Oct 20, 2011

New line-up tailored to suit Taib’s agenda and to safeguard all his business and wealth throughout the globe


TAIB MAHMUD : ...is said.  one of
the world's richest men. He enjoys
his dictatorship in Sarawak which
is being favoured and protected
by PM NAJIB RAZAK and ruling
UMNO/BN in Malaysia.
By Awang Abdillah

Political master player Chief Minister Taib Mahmud is planning his exit ever so carefully and his newly announced Cabinet is an indication of his scheming mind.
The results of the April 16, 2011 state election have forced Chief Minister Taib Mahmud to reset his political power game to maintain the Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu’s (PBB) – in particular the Bumiputera wing of PBB – grip on the state government to ensure his succession plan works.


After a long wait of more than five months, Taib had on Sept 28, 2011 unveiled his new Cabinet line-up.
He claimed the new line-up would enable the government to get closer to the people at the grassroots level and that the three senior ministers would be able to groom new leaders.
In essence the new line-up is very carefully tailored to suit Taib’s personal agenda.
Why have only one deputy chief minister (DCM)? Prior to the April 16 polls, the state cabinet had two DCMs.
But this time Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP) was not offered the DCM slot because the party had failed miserably in the election, losing 13 out of 19 seats contested.
By right, the post of the other vacant DCM should be filled by another component party that had won the most seats after PBB. That party would be James Masing’s Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS).
PRS retained seven of the eight seats it contested. It lost its Pelagus seat to independent George Lagong.

Appeasing Masing, Mawan
However should PRS get the second DCM post, this will spell big trouble for Taib.
He would then have to tackle two potential candidates – from the Pesaka wing of PBB and PR – both of whom are vying for the CM’s post.
To appease PRS, Masing is promoted to senior minister, which means that Taib has to tackle only one DCM aspirant and this would be in the person of Alfred Jabu Numpang from PBB’s Pesaka wing in order to execute his hidden agenda.
For whom is the other DCM post reserved for and why the need for three senior ministers?
The trio – Jabu (who is also deputy PBB president) , Masing and Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party (SPDP) president Willliam Mawan – have their own plans.
The trio are applying pressure to block Taib’s succession plan which has made the latter to cave in.
Hence to appease all parties, Taib decided that the Pesaka component retains the one and only DCM post. He then went on to create a senior minister’s post each for PRS,SPDP and SUPP.
These posts are only “senior” in name but in terms of duties and responsibilities, there is little change.
Hence, there is no administrative justification except the political agenda to appease these parties and their presidents.

Taib’s strategy
Meanwhile, we wonder why there is no Malay senior minister or DCM.
Obviously this would be the last appointment Taib would do or else it would invite a rebellion from within his own party, PBB.
Furthermore, to continue the family dynasty rule, a member of his family has to climb through the PBB ladder.
At this stage if he promotes a Malay from the Bumiputera wing of PBB to the post of a senior minister, it will raise suspicion and create tension among the leaders of the component parties.
Hence, no Malay PBB minister is promoted to senior minister yet.
Obviously the strategy at this stage is to please PRS , SPDP and SUPP for different reasons.
Who then is the de facto DCM?
The minister in the new line-up who has been given important and critical portfolios similar to that of the chief minister himself is none other than Awang Tengah Ali Hassan. Awang Tengah has also been given the task of breaking up SPDP.
He has been tasked with roping in the five SPDP rebels (four assemblymen and one parliamentarian) and align them with PBB’s Bumiputera wing.
He has also been tasked with keeping the six SUPP assemblymen (two Chinese and four Dayaks) under PBB control.
As a temporary measure, the four SPDP turncoat assemblymen – Peter Nansian (Tasik Biru), Sylvester Entri (Marudi), Rosey Yunus (Berkenu) and Paulus Gumbang (Batu Danau) – would anchor themselves as “independents”

Awang Tengah strengthening position
With the four SPDP and six SUPP assemblymen pledging loyalty to PBB, Taib is in a very strong position to make another change in a future Cabinet line-up favouring the Bumiputera wing of the PBB.
The new formula would include the 26 seats of the Bumiputera wing of PBB, plus the 10 seats from SPDP and SUPP.
Combined they will deliver to Taib 36 seats, a number sufficient to maintain a simple majority government, should there be any rebellion from the Pesaka wing, PRS and SPDP to protest a new cabinet revamp in the future.
With the support from the four traitors who would disown SPDP and eventually join PBB and the six SUPP state assemblymen, Awang Tengah will be in a strong position to bypass the three senior ministers and even the current DCM and eventually claim the post of the chief minister.
This is likely to happen before the next state election.
By then the state government would likely also to have appointed a new head of state who definitely would be a staunch henchman of Taib to ensure the latter’s plan works.
Once all this is set in place, only then will former state forestry director Len Talif Salleh, who is also related to Taib, make his move.
He will make his move by following closely and monitoring Awang Tengah. Len Taliff is tipped to be the future DCM .
The issue is all about retaining political power in the hands of Taib’s family members by using henchmen, comrades and politicians who have no principles and morals.

‘Sarawak is still a one-man show’
Why are there so many assistant ministers?
The appointment of many assistant ministers from all parties and races is designed to prop up the political power of PBB.
So many assistant ministers are appointed to take care of similar portfolios resulting in overcrowding of ministries with overlapping responsibilities.
In essence, there is little distribution of power among the component BN parties.
In reality, political power in Sarawak is still a one-man show.
The appointment of these assistant ministers is to ensure further that all component parties will continue to pledge their loyalty to Taib and hence would not disrupt his succession plan.
Consequently, despite the Pesaka component being given the only DCM post, the presidents of PRS and SPDP as senior ministers would form a minority voice in the government.
SUPP being a small party has to toe the line in Taib’s game plan. The recent threat by the “SPDP 5” to form a new party is just a gimmick with lame excuses.
They will definitely join PBB via the independent route. However, this time around it is not as simple as it looks.
History has taught us that greed has its price. Let us watch and see whether Taib can make a political hop, step and jump.

(Awang Abdillah is a Kuching-based activist)


Source : FMT

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